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美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国大都会艺术博物馆中的24万件展品,图片展示以及中文和英文双语介绍(中文翻译仅供参考)
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品名(中)
品名(英)Bell
入馆年号1978年,1978.514.44
策展部门迈克尔·洛克菲勒之翼The Michael C. Rockefeller Wing
创作者
创作年份公元 500 - 公元 1520
创作地区哥斯达黎加或巴拿马(Costa Rica or Panama)
分类金属装饰品(Metal-Ornaments)
尺寸直径 1 1/16 英寸 (2.7厘米)
介绍(中)这个梨形的钟是由失蜡铸造而成的,其末端由6.5毫米高的悬挂环组成。与该系列中的另外两个钟1978.514.43和66.196.6不同,它们的悬挂环似乎是用两根蜡线制作的,本实施例的环只用一根蜡线制作。在这种情况下,环的顶部可能是在浇口的位置进行抛光的,浇口是一个有助于熔融金属进入陶瓷模具的通道。这种浇口会固化为金属,为了去除其存在的痕迹,创始人会将其切掉,然后对该区域进行研磨和抛光。该铸造技术进一步证实了局部孔隙率和树枝状外观的基础上。有一条金属带划定了谐振器的顶部,经过抛光并保留了划痕。在顶部频带和谐振器主体之间的角落等区域也可以看到孔隙率,这些区域在抛光操作中更难达到;实际上,抛光会封闭这些孔隙。共振器包含一个暗金色的金属拍板,这个拍板很可能是铸造到位的;在共振器开口的区域中没有变形的痕迹,这表明金属是为了将拍板插入共振器而加工的。谐振器开口高度对称,边缘向内弯曲,相对干净(参见MMA 66.196.6)。谐振器在包括谐振器开口的方向上的宽度为16.1 mm,垂直宽度为15.8 mm。在谐振器开口的顶部,钟壁的厚度为1.7毫米。

金属钟是从中美洲和哥伦比亚的一系列环境中回收的,但更典型的是国际金属组,通常可以追溯到公元500年之后,涉及地峡的物体制造,而不是初始组,包括由昆巴亚从业者进口到地峡的金属,Urabá和Zenú冶金传统等(库克和布雷,1985年;乌里韦,1988年)

本例中已知考古遗址出处的钟往往以孤立的发现物或成对或成组的形式出现。由于这种形式在空间上相对分散,很难确定这只钟来自哪个特定的考古区域。在哥斯达黎加西北部库莱布拉湾附近的Finca Linares遗址发现了一个高约2厘米的球形平面钟,带有悬挂环和将钟顶部与谐振器分离的带子,以及一个青蛙雕像和一个人形雕像,这三个都是金属的(Herrera 1998)。这些是从一个人的葬礼上发现的,围绕着这个人的脖子,还有两个蛇形吊坠,为巴格斯时期(公元300-800年)的同一墓葬环境中的金属和绿岩提供了不同寻常的证据

从位于哥斯达黎加中央山谷的La Fábrica发现了两个钟,年代约为公元600年至800年,因为晚柯里达巴特陶瓷占主导地位(Snarksis 2003178)。这些钟是铜制的,与通往住宅结构的铺砌坡道旁的鹿角有关

1021个钟,包括大都会博物馆收藏的另一个例子(1978.514.43)中的一些普通钟,是小基思收藏的一部分,来自位于Chirripódel Pacífico河流域的Panteón de la Reina墓地,该墓地可能在附近的里瓦斯遗址被占领时使用,从A.D.1000到A.D.1300(Quilter 2000)。这些藏品目前位于美国自然历史博物馆和布鲁克林博物馆。Keith在为成立联合水果公司奠定基础的同时收集了文物,这是一家跨国公司,剥夺了当地香蕉种植者的土地(Chomsky 1996;Quilter 2000180)

转向大科克莱地区,在大格兰德河畔的一个大型墓地(约公元450–900年)Sitio Conte的三级墓地11的上层,在一名死者的颈部发现了至少八个球形和梨形的钟(宾夕法尼亚州40-13-105a-h),巴拿马Parita湾以北,在那里的发掘为大科克莱考古区建立了陶瓷序列(Sharer和Hearne 1992,106,第41页)。埋葬11可以追溯到西蒂奥·孔特占领的后半段(广场,2007年,55年)。这八个钟的高度均在1.2至1.9厘米之间,均为失蜡铸造,设计相对简单,顶部有一个悬挂环,顶部和谐振器之间有一个或多个带。一个钟是从18号墓中发现的,另一个是从25号墓中找到的:前者(宾夕法尼亚大学考古与人类学博物馆,宾夕法尼亚州费城,40-13-178)(2.6厘米高)是一个双钟,每个末端都显示出鳄鱼和猫科动物的特征,后者(宾夕法尼亚大学考古学与人类学博物馆(宾夕法尼亚州费城),40-13-198)(3.2厘米高)有一个末端,包括一只拟人化的armadillo,其谐振器上部有一条人字形带,并包含一个金拍手(Sharer和Hearne 1992106,pls.42,44)。另外三个钟,其中两个处于碎片状态,在5号墓(包含15个个体)中发现,与一名男性有关。整个钟很简单,但在顶部和谐振器之间也有一个悬挂环和带。O’Day(2014)认为,装饰这个人的金属物体使他在死后能够转变为一个具有多种视觉能力的人,采用了装饰物中人物和动物形象的视角

El Caño的挖掘者,这是巴拿马格兰德河附近的一个大型墓葬群,历史上与西蒂奥·孔特(Sitio Conte to i)有关
介绍(英)This pear-shaped bell, made by lost-wax casting, has a finial that consists of a suspension loop, which is 6.5 mm high. Unlike two other bells in the collection, 1978.514.43 and 66.196.6, whose suspension loops appear to have been fabricated using two threads of wax each, the loop of the present example was made with only one thread of wax. The loop in this case was polished on its top, likely in the location of a sprue, a channel that would have facilitated the movement of molten metal into the ceramic mold. This sprue would have solidified as metal and, to remove traces of its presence, a founder would have cut it off and then abraded and polished the area. The casting technique is further confirmed by the local porosity at and dendritic appearance of the base of the finial. There is one band of metal that demarcates the top of the resonator, which is polished and retains scratches. Porosity is also seen in regions like the corner between the top band and the resonator’s body that would have been more difficult to reach in polishing operations; indeed the polishing would have closed these pores. The resonator contains a metal clapper that has a dull golden color, and this clapper was likely cast in place; there are no traces of deformation in the area of the resonator opening that would suggest the metal was worked in order to insert the clapper into the resonator. The resonator opening is highly symmetric with edges that curve inward and are relatively clean (cf. MMA 66.196.6). The width of the resonator, in the direction that includes the resonator opening, is 16.1 mm, and the perpendicular width is 15.8 mm. At the top of the resonator opening, the thickness of the bell’s walls is 1.7 mm.

Metal bells have been recovered from a range of Central American and Colombian contexts but are more typical of the International Group of metals, dating typically to after 500 AD and which involved object fabrication in the Isthmus, than of the Initial Group, which includes metal imported to the Isthmus made by practitioners of the Quimbaya, Urabá, and Zenú metallurgical traditions, among others, in Colombia (Cooke and Bray 1985; Uribe 1988).

The bells of the form of the present example that have known archaeological site provenance tend to appear as isolated finds or in pairs or small groups. It is difficult to pinpoint a particular archaeological region from which this bell came because of this form is relatively spatially dispersed. A spherical plain bell, around 2 cm in height, with suspension loop and band separating the bell’s top from its resonator, was recovered from Finca Linares, a site near the Culebra Bay in northwestern Costa Rica, along with a frog figurine and a human figurine, all three in metal (Herrera 1998). These were recovered from a human burial, around the person’s neck, along with two serpentine pendants, providing unusual evidence of metal and greenstone in the same funerary context for the Bagaces period ( A.D. 300–800).

Two bells were recovered from La Fábrica, located in the Central Valley of Costa Rica and dated to ca. A.D. 600–800 given the predominance of late Curridabat ceramics (Snarksis 2003, 178). These bells are copper-based and were associated with deer antlers beside a paved ramp leading to a residential structure.

One hundred and twenty-one bells, including some plain bells in the form of another example in the Met’s collection, 1978.514.43, are part of the Minor Keith collection from a cemetery at Panteón de la Reina, located in the valley of the Chirripó del Pacífico River, which was in use likely around the time of occupation of the nearby Rivas site, from A.D.1000 to A.D.1300 (Quilter 2000). This collection is currently located at the American Museum of Natural History and at the Brooklyn Museum. Keith collected artifacts while laying the groundwork for the establishment of the United Fruit Company, a multinational corporation that dispossessed local banana growers of their lands (Chomsky 1996; Quilter 2000, 180).

Turning to the Greater Coclé region, at least eight spherical and pyriform bells (Penn 40-13-105a-h), were found in the neck region of a deceased human in the upper level of the three-level Burial 11 at Sitio Conte, a large cemetery (ca. A.D. 450–900) on the Río Grande, north of Parita Bay in Panama where excavations established a ceramic sequence for the Greater Coclé archaeological region (Sharer and Hearne 1992, 106, pl. 41). Burial 11 dates to the later half of the Sitio Conte occupation (Plazas 2007, 55). These eight bells are each between 1.2 and 1.9 cm in height, all lost-wax-cast and relatively plain in design, and have a suspension loop at top and one or more bands between the top and the resonator. One bell was recovered from Burial 18 and another from Burial 25: the former (University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia, PA, 40-13-178) (2.6 cm high) is a double bell with each finial showing a figure with crocodilian and feline characteristics and the latter (University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia, PA, 40-13-198) (3.2 cm high) has a finial that includes an anthropomorphic armadillo, features a chevron band in the upper part of its resonator, and contains a gold clapper (Sharer and Hearne 1992, 106, pls. 42, 44). Three other bells, two of which are in fragmentary condition, were found in Grave 5 (which contained 15 individuals) associated with a human male. The complete bell is plain but again has a suspension loop and bands between its top and resonator. O’Day (2014) argues that metal objects adorning this individual allowed him, in death, to transform into a being with multivalent visual abilities, adopting the perspectives of the human and animal figures that feature in his ornaments.

Excavators at El Caño, a large funerary complex near the Río Grande, Panama and historically associated with Sitio Conte to its south, recovered a plain pyriform bell (#9450) from Tomb 2, dated to cal. A.D. 900–1020 based on radiocarbon analysis of material associated with this tomb, the largest and most complex so far known from the site (Mayo and Mayo 2013). The bell, found with Individual 7, is 3.2 cm high and includes two circumferential bands in relief separating the bell’s top from its resonator. Interestingly, its suspension loop is broken off, and its resonator is crushed. A pendant that shows two birds and a human head, also associated with Individual 7, has evidence of burning on its surface, and four associated pectorals were folded leading investigators to believe that these actions of crushing, burning, and folding were part of the funerary treatment this individual was given (Mayo and Mayo 2013, 14). A plain spherical bell (#AU10534) (1.2 cm high) with at least one relief band separating its top from its resonator was also recovered from Tomb 2, but associated with Individual 16.

The object discussed at present can be viewed by archaeologists as an ornament, given that this form is often recovered in association with human bodies. The contexts suggest that bells were worn or at least, by the presence of a suspension loop, that they may have been attached to another material. Their ability to produce sound is another aspect to consider. How can sound be interpreted when the focus of archaeology is so often on the visual and the tactile? In one way, recognition of people in the present in the Central American Isthmus and their practices may offer some suggestions for interpreting people’s relations with sound in this region in the past. Today, a range of indigenous peoples live in the Isthmus, including Borucas in the Diquís Delta, Bribris and Cabécares in the Cordillera de Talamanca, Ngäbe and Buglé peoples on the Caribbean in the area of Bocas del Toro, and Kuna and Emberá peoples also on the Caribbean side, farther to the east and south. These peoples may involve sound-making instruments in their daily lives and ritual practices; sound, especially spoken ritual narrative, is a creative act, capable of making events happen beyond the sound event itself. Bribris use rattles, wooden drums, and armadillo shells to produce sound, while Kunas use bamboo, bone, and wood to make panpipes and flutes and gourds to make rattles (Cervantes 2003; Smith 1997). Among the Kunas, there may be a close relationship between the human voice and musical instruments: certain men may chant while holding bamboo flutes close to their mouths. The fabrication and care of the flutes is the responsibility of individuals who have undergone training for the tasks (Smith 1997, 297). In this way, it is certainly possible that the bell discussed here is a living object and that it, in spite of its burial for several centuries, it remains part of a social context whether of descendant communities or of their ancestors who made and used this bell.

Bryan Cockrell, Curatorial Fellow, Arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas 2017

References

Cervantes Gamboa, Laura. Sounds Like Music: Ritual Speech Events Among the Bribri Indians of Costa Rica. PhD thesis. Austin: University of Texas, 2003.

Chomsky, Aviva. West Indian Workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870-1940. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996.

Cooke, Richard G., and Warwick M. Bray. “The Goldwork of Panama: An Iconographic and Chronological Perspective.” In The Art of Precolumbian Gold: The Jan Mitchell Collection, edited by Julie Jones, 35-45. Boston: Little, Brown and Company,1985.

Hearne, P., and R. J. Sharer, eds. River of Gold: Precolumbian Treasures from Sitio Conte. Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania,1992.

Herrera Villalobos, Anayensy. “Espacio y objetos funerarios en la distinción de rango social en Finca Linares.” Vínculos 22:125-156,1998.

Mayo, Julia, and Carlos Mayo. “El descubrimiento de un cementerio de élite en El Caño: indicios de un patrón funerario en el Valle del Río Grande, Coclé, Panamá.” Arqueología Iberoamericana (2013) 20:3-27.

O’Day, Karen. “The Sitio Conte Cemetery in Ancient Panama: Where Lord 15 Wore His Ornaments in ‘Great Quantity.’” In Wearing Culture: Dress and Regalia in Early Mesoamerica and Central America, edited by Heather Orr and Matthew G. Looper, 1-28. Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2014.

Plazas, Clemencia. Vuelo nocturno: El murciélago del Istmo centroamericano y su comparación con el murciélago tairona. Bogotá: Banco de la República, Fundación de Investigaciones Arqueológicas Nacionales (FIAN), Centro de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos (CEMCA), 2007.

Smith, Sandra. “The Musical Arts of the Kuna.” In The Art of Being Kuna: Layers of Meaning Among the Kuna of Panama, 292-309. Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1997.

Snarskis, Michael J. “From Jade to Gold in Costa Rica: How, Why, and When.” In Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia, edited by Jeffrey Quilter and John W. Hoopes, 159-204. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2003.

Uribe, María Alicia. “Introducción a la orfebrería de San Pedro de Urabá, una región del Noroccidente Colombiano.” Boletín del Museo del Oro 20 (1988): 35-53.
  大都会艺术博物馆,英文 Metropolitan Museum of Art,是美国最大的艺术博物馆,世界著名博物馆,位于美国纽约第五大道的82号大街。
  大都会博物馆回顾了人类自身的文明史的发展,与中国北京的故宫、英国伦敦的大英博物馆、法国巴黎的卢浮宫、俄罗斯圣彼得堡的艾尔米塔什博物馆并称为世界五大博物馆。