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美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国大都会艺术博物馆中的24万件展品,图片展示以及中文和英文双语介绍(中文翻译仅供参考)
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品名(中)雄性无花果
品名(英)Male Figurine
入馆年号1987年,1987.394.417
策展部门迈克尔·洛克菲勒之翼The Michael C. Rockefeller Wing
创作者
创作年份公元 1400 - 公元 1533
创作地区厄瓜多尔、秘鲁、玻利维亚、智利或阿根廷(Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, or Argentina)
分类雕塑金属板(Sculpture-Sheet metal)
尺寸高 2 7/16 英寸 (6.2 厘米)
介绍(中)这个中空的雕像由八块金属片组成,这些金属片被连接在一起。它描绘了一个男人站得笔直,只穿着一件美洲驼,这是印加统治者和贵族戴的辫子头饰;否则,他就会一丝不挂。他的眼睛、鼻子和嘴巴的细节,以及延伸的耳垂,这些耳垂表明它们可以容纳线轴,并将手臂和手塞进胸部,这些都是印加金属男性雕像的标准配置。此外,还有一磅古柯,表示为口腔左侧的一个凸起的圆形小区域。这一特征的存在及其位置在印加男性金属雕像中是一致的。咀嚼和吹可口可乐是安第斯人民加强与自然环境和相互关系的过程(Allen,2002年)

这些雕像被认为是神圣的存在,或者克丘亚语和艾马拉语中的华卡,可能是作为献礼存放的。它们通常与作为印加仪式capac hucha或"皇家义务"的一部分而埋葬的材料组合联系在一起。西班牙编年史家Cieza de León(1959年、190-193年)将这一仪式定义为库斯科一年一度的节日,从省级地区带来雕像,为来年提供预言。Cieza de León和Diez de Betzanos(1996,46132)强调capac hucha是一种为纪念神圣空间或建筑或纪念某些王室事件(如统治者去世)而制作的祭品组合。Diez de Betanzos指出,在某些情况下,孩子们在库斯科举行了仪式性的婚礼,然后被送往不断扩张的印加帝国的不同地点,在那里他们最终被杀害并与一系列祭品一起埋葬。山顶、低地和沿海地区的考古遗址与西班牙编年史家对这些沉积物的描述有关。挖掘表明,除了人类儿童的遗骸外,这些沉积物还包括穿着纺织服装和羽毛制品的金属和脊椎骨微型雕像,以及陶瓷和木制器皿。然而,这些雕像的一些沉积物可能与capac hucha无关。在距离库斯科194公里的瓦拉瓦拉的阿帕切塔(或两条小路交叉处的圣地),人们发现了一系列拟人化和动物化的雕像,这些雕像垂直站立,用用用tupus(金属针)绑着的vicuña羊毛制成的纺织品包裹,在一块岩石上,岩石本身覆盖着3-4米深的土层。调查人员将这一祭品解释为对一位女性神"丽蒂妈妈"的奉献,而不是一个capac hucha组合(Valencia 1981,51-52)

在这批印加金属拟人雕像中,三个高度组(5-7厘米、13-15厘米、22-24厘米)中,这尊雕像属于最小的高度组。正如x射线所显示的(见图4),这个雕像的金属部件包括:骆驼;所示的两个单独的耳部被拉伸以允许插塞的插入;头部、躯干和腿部为一体;阴茎;以及两只独立的脚。第八个组成部分是添加到生殖器区域的金属角撑板,在一定程度上可以在左腿上看到(参见Lechtman 1996,图108)。相比之下,一个由Cerro Aconcagua金片制成的人类男性雕像由这些相同的组成部分组成,除了两个单独的羊驼帽和侧面、一个单独的头部、一个独特的睾丸片,以及没有提及角撑板(Bárcena 2004)

由于其特定的文化背景,雕像1987.394.417很可能会被穿戴和装饰,更不用说伴随着一系列其他祭品,同时也有类似的雕像作为整个印加帝国capac hucha组合的一部分。在库斯科附近的Choquepujio,发现了一尊24厘米高的银制男性雕像,以及其他几尊由脊椎骨、黄金和白银制成的较小的男性和骆驼雕像(Gibaja等人,2014)。更大的雕像的骆驼图案是由Spondylus制成的,其正面有一块薄的梯形金属板,在其两个长边上弯曲,称为canipu,这是一种分配给"特权印加人"的装饰物,也就是说,他们成为印加人不是因为血缘,而是因为他们在吞并新领土时与印加领导人结盟,从库斯科向外扩张(Mignone 2015)。在Llullillaco的人类雄性幼崽供品中(MAAM 2007,53;Mignone 2015,图3-5),这是一个被印加后裔科拉斯人视为圣地的地方,一只有小穿孔的犬科动物被发现附着在一个金属雕像上的染色编织纤维上,形成了骆驼的一部分,而另一只则被发现在一个以类似方式附着的脊椎雕像上。第三个被发现附在yaqolla或斗篷上,包裹在一个单独的金属雕像的身体上。在1987.394.417的案例中,美洲驼适合头部顶部,有轻微的重叠

骆驼是从一块金属上升起的,焊接在头顶(见图5)。它似乎有痕迹线装饰,但埋葬时的银腐蚀覆盖了雕像的大部分,掩盖了细节(见图6)。追踪也被用来指示脚趾。焊接是用来在雕像背面形成接缝的手段。我们可以想象,当史密斯将躯干锤成大致圆柱形(与头部和腿部是同一块的一部分)时,他们遇到了一些困难:这张纸的左端与靠近头部的右端重叠,而右侧与靠近腿部的左侧重叠(见图7)。阴茎是一个单独的部分,很可能是制作的
介绍(英)This hollow figurine is comprised of eight pieces of metal sheet that have been joined together. It depicts a man standing upright, dressed only in a llautu, a braided headdress that was worn by the Inca ruler and nobles; otherwise, he is shown naked. The details of his eyes, nose, and mouth, along with extended earlobes that suggest they could have accommodated spools, and pose with arms and hands tucked into the chest, are all standard among Inca human male figurines made of metal. Furthermore, there is a quid of coca represented as a small, raised, circular region to the proper left of the mouth. The presence of this feature and its location is consistent among Inca male figurines in metal. Coca chewing and blowing is a process through which Andean peoples strengthened relationships with the natural environment and among themselves (Allen 2002).

These figurines are considered sacred beings, or huacas in the Quechua and Aymara languages, that may have been deposited as dedications. They are often associated with assemblages of materials interred as part of the Inca ritual performance of capac hucha, or ‘royal obligation’. This ceremony was defined by Spanish chronicler Cieza de León (1959, 190-193) as a practice of annual festivals in Cusco in which statues were brought from provincial regions to offer prophecies for the coming year. Cieza de León and Diez de Betzanos (1996, 46, 132) emphasize capac hucha as an assemblage of offerings made to commemorate sacred space or buildings or to mark certain royal events, such as the death of a ruler. Diez de Betanzos notes that, in some cases, children were ritually married in Cusco and then sent on processions to different locations the expanding Inca Empire where they were ultimately killed and buried with a range of offerings. There are archaeological sites in mountaintop, lowland, and coastal contexts that have been correlated with the descriptions of these depositions by Spanish chroniclers. Excavations have shown these depositions to include, besides remains of human children, miniature figurines in metal and Spondylus spp. dressed in textile garments and featherwork as well as ceramic and wooden vessels. However, some depositions of these figurines may not relate to the capac hucha. At the apacheta (or sacred shrine at the intersection of two paths) of Walla Walla, 194 km from Cuzco, a range of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines were found standing vertically, wrapped in textiles made of vicuña wool tied with tupus (metal pins), inside a cut of a rock that itself was covered with a 3-4 meter deep layer of earth. Investigators interpreted the offering as a dedication to a female deity, mama rit’i, and not as a capac hucha assemblage (Valencia 1981, 51-52).

Of the three height groups (5-7 cm, 13-15 cm, 22-24 cm) among this corpus of Inca anthropomorphic figurines in metal, this figurine is in the smallest height group. As the x-rays suggest (see image 4), the metal components of this figurine include: the llautu; the two individual ears that are shown as stretched to allow for the insertion of plugs; the head, torso, and legs as one piece; the penis; and the two individual feet. The eighth component is a gusset of metal added to the genital region and visible to some extent on the proper left leg (cf. Lechtman 1996, fig. 108). To compare, a human male figurine made of gold sheet from Cerro Aconcagua, a capac hucha site with the burial of a 7-year-old human male in Argentina, is comprised of these same components, with the exception of two separate pieces for the cap and side of the llautu, a separate piece for the head, a distinct sheet for the testicles, and no mention of a gusset (Bárcena 2004).

Shorn of its specific cultural context, figurine 1987.394.417 likely would have been clothed and adorned—not to mention accompanied by a range of other offerings—in parallel with the depositions of similar figurines as parts of capac hucha assemblages throughout the Inca empire. At Choquepujio, near Cuzco, a male figurine, made of silver and 24 cm high, was recovered with a child burial along with several other smaller human male and camelid figurines made of Spondylus shell, gold, and silver (Gibaja et al. 2014). The representation of the llautu of the larger figurine is made of Spondylus and attached to its front there is a thin trapezoidal metal sheet—curved on its two long sides—called a canipu, an ornament assigned to individuals who were “Incas by privilege,” that is, they became Inca not by blood but by allying themselves with Inca leaders as they annexed new territories, expanding outwards from Cuzco (Mignone 2015). In the offering of the human male juvenile at Llullaillaco (MAAM 2007, 53; Mignone 2015, figs. 3-5)—a site considered sacred by the Kollas, who are Inca descendants—a canipu, having a small perforation for threading, was found attached to dyed woven fiber forming part of the llautu on a metal figurine, while another was found on a Spondylus figurine attached in a similar fashion. A third was found attached to the yaqolla, or mantle, wrapped around the body of a separate metal figurine. In the case of 1987.394.417, the llautu fits on top of the head, with slight overlap.

The llautu was raised from a single piece of metal and soldered to the top of the head (see image 5). It appears to have been decorated with traced lines but the silver corrosion from burial, covering most of the figurine, obscures the details (see image 6). Tracing was also used to indicate the toes. Soldering was the means used to achieve the seam on the back of the figurine. We can imagine that when the smith hammered the torso into roughly cylindrical shape (as part of the same piece with the head and legs), they encountered some difficulty: the left end of this sheet overlaps the right end closer to the head, while the right overlaps the left closer to the legs (see image 7). The penis is a separate piece, likely made of sheet, which was inserted into a perforation made in this region. As the metalsmith needed to close the torso cylinder by joining its two ends, thereby producing a seam, they also needed to close the cylindrical sheet that formed the legs. Parts of the leg seams are relatively inconspicuous to a viewer, found inside each leg, but the seams extend diagonally onto the more visible back of each leg (see image 8). The shaping and closing of the torso and legs—part of the same sheet—would have left a void in the crotch region. In other cases of these figurines, a gusset, or saddle-shaped patch of metal, has been identified, but here, the addition is not readily discernible by X-radiography (see images 4 and 9). Each foot is comprised of a single piece of metal onto which the ends of the leg have been soldered.

The figurine has not been cleaned to remove burial encrustation and corrosion. It also has been slightly crushed at some point in its history from a physical impact. There are dents on the front and back of the torso with cracks present across the neck and in the top of the llautu. This condition is a testament to the thinness of the metal sheet. The front part of the proper left foot is broken off and missing (see image 10).

In addition to incorporating practitioners of other Andean metalworking traditions, including Chimú and Chincha, into their network of production, the Incas wove in an array of different metal sources, geographically dispersed. Copper-tin was a hallmark of Inca metal production and the only Andean sources of cassiterite (tin oxide) are south and east of Cusco (Lechtman 2014). Copper—especially prevalent—along with gold and silver were found in the Central Andes, with silver in southern Bolivia and northern Argentina being a particular focus of Inca interest. As Lechtman (2007, 319) notes, while gold and silver are central to Inca hegemony, as they are related to the sun and moon, respectively, which played a role in the origins of the Inca people, copper also is a key feature of their metallurgical production. Most of the Inca human figurines in this corpus that have been analyzed tend to be composed of alloys of some or all of these metals, rather than monometallic.

Technical notes: Optical microscopy, X-radiography, and XRF conducted in 2017.

Bryan Cockrell, Curatorial Fellow, AAOA
Beth Edelstein, Associate Conservator, OCD
Ellen Howe, Conservator Emerita, OCD
Caitlin Mahony, Assistant Conservator, OCD
2017

References

Allen, Catherine J. The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity in an Andean Community. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2002.

Bárcena, J. Roberto, “Las piezas metálicas de la ofrenda ritual del Cerro Aconcagua, Mendoza, República de Argentina,” in Tecnología del oro antiguo: Europa y América, ed. Alicia Perea, Ignacio Montero and Óscar García-Vuelta (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2004), 157-172.

Cieza de León, Pedro de. The Incas. Edited by Victor Wolfgang von Hagen. Translated by Harriet de Onis. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, [1553] 1959.

Diez de Betanzos, Juan. Narrative of the Incas. Translated and edited by Roland Hamilton and Dana Buchanan. Austin: University of Texas Press, [1551-57] 1996.

Gibaja Oviedo, Arminda M., Gordon F. McEwan, Melissa Chatfield, and Valerie Andrushko. “Informe de las posibles capacochas del asentamiento arqueológico de Choquepujio, Cusco, Perú.” Ñawpa Pacha 34, no. 2 (2014): 147-175.

Lechtman, Heather, “Technical Descriptions,” in Andean Art at Dumbarton Oaks, ed. Elizabeth Hill Boone (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1996).

———. “The Inka, and Andean Metallurgical Tradition.” In Variations in the Expression of Inka Power, edited by Richard L. Burger, Craig Morris, and Ramiro Matos Mendieta, 313- 355. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2007.

———. “Andean Metallurgy in Prehistory.” In Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective: Methods and Syntheses, edited by Benjamin W. Roberts and Christopher P. Thornton, 329-359. New York: Springer.

Museo de Arqueología de Alta Montaña (MAAM). Museo de Arqueología de Alta Montaña. Buenos Aires: Fondo Nacional de las Artes, 2007.

Mignone, Pablo. “Illas y Allicac: La capacocha del Llullaillaco y los mecanismos de ascenso social de los ‘Inkas de privilegio.’” Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino 20, no. 2 (2015): 69-87.

Valencia Espinoza, Abraham, Metalurgia Inka: Los ídolos antropomorfos y su simbología. Cusco, 1981.
  大都会艺术博物馆,英文 Metropolitan Museum of Art,是美国最大的艺术博物馆,世界著名博物馆,位于美国纽约第五大道的82号大街。
  大都会博物馆回顾了人类自身的文明史的发展,与中国北京的故宫、英国伦敦的大英博物馆、法国巴黎的卢浮宫、俄罗斯圣彼得堡的艾尔米塔什博物馆并称为世界五大博物馆。