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美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国纽约大都会艺术博物馆展品查阅
美国大都会艺术博物馆中的24万件展品,图片展示以及中文和英文双语介绍(中文翻译仅供参考)
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品名(中)驼背靠在手杖上
品名(英)Hunchback Leaning on Staff
入馆年号1978年,1978.412.17
策展部门迈克尔·洛克菲勒之翼The Michael C. Rockefeller Wing
创作者
创作年份公元 900 - 公元 1200
创作地区墨西哥, 韦拉克鲁斯(Mexico, Veracruz)
分类石雕(Stone-Sculpture)
尺寸高 35 x 宽 5 3/4 x 深 14 3/4 英寸 (88.9 x 14.6 x 37.5 厘米)
介绍(中)这个驼背的男人抓着一根棍子的雕像属于墨西哥东北部华斯特卡地区的一类雕塑。驼背型,在西班牙语中也被称为encorvadojorobadoencorvados只代表男性,要么全裸,要么只是带着maxlatl(围腰)。许多人的脸上布满皱纹,再加上驼背,表明他们已经衰老;这件雕塑展示了前额的隆起和鼻子周围的褶皱。驼背的男人用两只手抓住那根大棍子,把下巴放在上面。通常被解释为一根种植棒(Familiar Ferrer 2011,9;Ochoa 1991214221),工作人员为雕塑的延伸部分提供结构支撑,尤其是头部和手臂

这座雕塑的高度为35英寸,属于中等尺寸——较小的encorvados可短至6英寸,较大的可达48英寸(Familiar Ferrer 2012,153–178;Fuente and Gutiérrez Solana 1980,201–248;Ochoa 1991,215)。安可瓦多斯的雕刻风格从自然主义到抽象主义各不相同。在这种情况下,艺术家选择了一种更抽象和风格化的方法,大胆地从黄色和玫瑰色的砂岩中切割出块状的身体部位。后古典主义的华斯特雕塑是由沙子或石灰石的浅板雕刻而成的,这决定了它们的整体形状。虽然地位较高的人像雕塑的正面与石板表面对齐,但这种encorvado的方向相反,人的脸朝向石头的层面(分层岩石的连续层)。这项技术使雕塑家能够将人物的身体更充分地延伸到三维空间中,与其他类型的雕塑相比,可以获得更动态的构图。其他类型的雕刻通常有僵硬的姿势和非常平坦的轮廓,就好像它们是用饼干刀切出来的一样

驼背雕塑的可变性也延伸到图像元素。尽管五线谱和布满皱纹的脸是encorvodos的典型特征,但有些没有衰老的迹象,五线谱可能会被一个较小的次要人物、一条蛇所取代,或者被省略(Familiar Ferrer 2012,5-6)。在某些情况下,驼背的人携带次要人物,可以假设其外观为小孩或骨骼人物。尽管我们不知道这些次要人物的确切含义,但有一种理论认为,它们强调了主要人物的权威(Flores 2020)

正如华斯特克雕塑的典型作品一样,主要的构图原则是对称,在这里最引人注目的是双手紧握五线谱。为了使每只手的指尖仔细对齐,放弃了解剖学上的准确性。五个块状手指之间的深脊形成了一种戏剧性的阴影和光线,引起了人们对雕塑纵轴的关注。头部是另一个焦点,因为它是雕塑中雕刻得最细致的部分。这名男子的特征是程式化的:眉毛与额头上的波纹相呼应,凹陷的眼睛呈深圆形,椭圆形的嘴,宽而闭的嘴唇形成一条直线,两个细长的耳朵从头部侧面垂直伸出。所有的特征都被简化为最基本的形状,而没有试图阐明个性化的特征。个头过大,形状怪异,从脖子伸出,细长的下巴延伸到五线谱的顶部,两者融合在一起,就好像后者是身体的一部分。宽头和扁平的牙冠可能表明了常见的柱前华斯特颅骨改良术,即在出生时,当颅骨仍然具有可塑性时,人工将后脑勺压平。很明显,这个雕塑不是一个人的肖像;相反,它呈现了一个古老神的原型特征

杖和年龄提供了人物身份的线索,即与玉米农业、雷电和雨水有关的神。不幸的是,我们对华斯特卡的前卷宗教实践知之甚少,因为既没有象形文字也没有铭文,而且早期殖民地的书面资料也很少。另一个复杂的因素是,该地区是多民族的,早在西班牙征服之前,Teeneks、Nahuas、Pames、Otomis和其他民族就开始融合和交流文化特征,但我们不知道是哪个群体制作了这些雕塑(Sandstrom和García Valencia,2005年;Ruvalcaba Mercado,2015年)。尽管如此,一些当代宗教信仰显然植根于前哥伦布时代,几个世纪以来,神的名字和仪式的使用一直在继续,并揭示了雕塑的意义。例如,与玛雅语族有关的华斯特卡语的主要语言群体之一Teeeks崇拜一位名叫Muxi的古老的土、雨和雷神,其识别特征是驼背和杖(Familiar 2011,10;Ochoa和Gutiérrez 2000114)。他是三位圣母之一,带来雨水的神与东方、北方和西方联系在一起(Alcorn 1984,58)。穆希是东方强大而危险的神,与海洋和锡耶拉有关,他在新年伊始还是婴儿,到年底太阳到达冬至时变成了老人(Alcorn 1984,59,85)

到目前为止,已经确定了200多件华斯特安可瓦多雕塑(Familiar Ferrer 20112012)。虽然很多
介绍(英)This figure of a hunchbacked man grasping a staff belongs to a category of sculpture known from the Huasteca region in northeastern Mexico. The hunchback type, also known as encorvado or jorobado in Spanish, dates to the Postclassic period (A.D. 900–1521) when the production of figural stone sculptures in the region flourished. This category stands in contrast to the other dominant sculptural type representing high-status men and women often shown with elaborate headdresses and costuming (Richter 2015). Conversely, encorvados exclusively represent men, either completely nude or simply with a maxlatl (loincloth). Many are shown with wrinkled faces indicating, together with the hunched back, an advanced age; this sculpture shows ridges on the forehead and creases around the nose. The hunched man grasps the large staff with two hands and rests his chin on its top. Usually interpreted as a planting stick (Familiar Ferrer 2011, 9; Ochoa 1991, 214, 221), the staff serves to provide structural support to the extended parts of the sculpture, especially the head and the arms.

At 35 inches in height, this sculpture ranges in the middle spectrum of size—smaller encorvados can be as short as 6 inches, while larger ones measure up to 48 inches (Familiar Ferrer 2012, 153–178; Fuente and Gutiérrez Solana 1980, 201–248; Ochoa 1991, 215). The carving style of encorvados varies from naturalistic to abstract. In this case the artist(s) opted for a more abstracted and stylized approach, boldly hewing blocky body parts from yellow- and rose-colored sandstone. Postclassic Huastec sculptures are carved from shallow slabs of either sand- or limestone, which determine their overall shape. While sculptures of the high-status figural type are carved with their front aligned with the face of the stone slab, this encorvado is oriented the other way, with the man’s face oriented toward the stone’s bedding planes (the successive layers of stratified rock). This technique gave the sculptor(s) the ability to extend the figure’s body more fully into three-dimensional space, allowing for a more dynamic composition compared to the sculptures of the other type, which usually have rigid poses and very flat profiles, as though they had been cut out with a cookie-cutter.

The variability of hunchback sculptures also extends to iconographic elements. Although the staff and wrinkled face are typical features of encorvados, some are shown without signs of aging, and the staff may be substituted for a smaller, secondary figure, for a serpent, or omitted (Familiar Ferrer 2012, 5–6). In some cases, the hunchbacked man carries the secondary figure, which can assume the appearance of either a small child or a skeletal figure. Although we do not know the exact meaning of these secondary figures, one theory is that they underscore the primary figure’s authority (Flores 2020).

As is typical for Huastec sculpture, the main compositional principle is symmetry, here most strikingly visible in hands clasping the staff. Anatomical accuracy is forgone in favor of carefully aligning the fingertips of each hand. Deep ridges between the five blocky fingers create a dramatic play of shadow and light that calls attention to the sculpture’s vertical axis. The head is the other focal point, for it is the part of the sculpture that is carved with the most detail and care. The man’s features are stylized: eyebrows echoing the ripples on the forehead, sunken eyes in deep round sockets, an oval mouth with wide closed lips forming a straight line, and two elongated ears sticking out perpendicularly from the side of the head. All features are simplified to their most basic shapes without an attempt at articulating individualizing traits. Oversized and oddly shaped, the head projects out from the neck, with the elongated chin extending to reach the top of the staff, the two fusing together as if the latter were part of the body. The wide head with a flattened crown may indicate the common Precolumbian Huastec practice of cranial modification by which the back of the head is artificially flattened at birth when the cranium is still malleable. It is clear that this sculpture is not a portrait of a man; rather, it presents the archetypal features of an old deity.

The staff and the age provide clues to the figure’s identity, that is, a deity associated with maize agriculture, thunder, and rain. Unfortunately, we know little about Precolumbian religious practices in the Huasteca because neither pictographic nor epigraphic writing was practiced and early colonial written sources are scant. Another complicating factor is that the region is multiethnic with Teeneks, Nahuas, Pames, Otomis, and other ethnic groups comingling and exchanging cultural traits since long before the Spanish conquest—but we do not exactly know which group produced these sculptures (Sandstrom and García Valencia 2005; Ruvalcaba Mercado 2015). Still, some contemporary religious beliefs have evident roots in the Precolumbian past, with the use of deity names and ceremonial rituals continuing over the centuries, and shed light on the sculpture’s meaning. For instance, the Teeneks, one of the dominant linguistic groups in the Huasteca related to the Mayan language family, venerate an ancient deity of earth, rain, and thunder named Muxi, whose identifying features are a hunched back and a staff (Familiar 2011, 10; Ochoa and Gutiérrez 2000, 114). He is one of three Maams, rain-bringing deities associated with the East, North, and West (Alcorn 1984, 58). Muxi is the powerful, dangerous deity of the East associated with the ocean and the sierra, who begins the New Year as a baby and turns into an old man by year’s end when the sun reaches the winter solstice (Alcorn 1984, 59, 85).

To date, a corpus of over two hundred Huastec encorvado sculptures has been identified (Familiar Ferrer 2011, 2012). Though many are in museum collections today with little information about their original context, those for which the find-spot is known indicate that they were used across the entire Huasteca. Consequently, the cult associated with this deity must have been deeply rooted in the region, practiced for many centuries, and provided a level of cultural cohesion across ethnic and political lines. In addition to being multiethnic, the region was politically fragmented during the Postclassic period, as we know from a letter written in 1554 by the Flemish friar Nicolás de Witte, who describes the Huasteca as lacking a universal lord but having many small city-states governed by independent rulers who either formed alliances or waged war against others (Cuevas 1975:224). Much as in Renaissance Italy, to which the friar compared the Huasteca, artistic production thrived in this competitive political environment, giving rise to one of the most significant sculptural traditions of ancient Mesoamerica.

Kim N. Richter, 2019

Further Reading

Alcorn, Janis B. 1984. Huastec Mayan Ethnobotany. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Cuevas, Mariano. 1975. Documentos inéditos del siglo XVI para la historia de México. Mexico City: Porrúa.

Familiar Ferrer, Gerardo. 2011. “Las esculturas de encorvados: Concepciones de seres ctónicos en la cosmovisión huaxteca.” Estudios Mesoamericanos, nueva época, 11:5–15.

Familiar Ferrer, Gerardo. 2012. “Las representaciones de ancianos encorvados de la Huaxteca: Una propuesta de interpretación.” MA thesis, Estudios Mesoamericanos, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

Flores García, Irad. 2020. “Análisis del elemento iconográfico “figura a cuestas” en la escultura huasteca prehispánica.” PhD thesis, Estudios Mesoamericanos, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

Fuente, Beatriz de la, and Nelly Gutiérrez Solana. 1980. Escultura huasteca en piedra, Cuadernos de historia del arte. Mexico City: Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

Fuente, Beatriz de la, ed. 1976. Arte huaxteco prehispánico. Mexico City: Artes de México.

Richter, Kim N. 2015. "Postclassic Huastec Sculpture: Constructing International Elite Identity in the Huasteca." In The Huasteca: Culture, History, and Interregional Exchange, edited by Katherine A. Faust and Kim N. Richter, 75–97. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Ruvalcaba Mercado, Jesús. 2015. “Linguistic Diversity, Cultural Unity, and the Question of Maize and Religion in the History of the Huasteca.” In The Huasteca: Culture, History, and Interregional Exchange, edited by Katherine A. Faust and Kim N. Richter, 195–213. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Sandstrom, Alan R., and Enrique Hugo García Valencia, eds. 2005. Native Peoples of the Gulf Coast of Mexico, Native Peoples of the Americas Series. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
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